THE recent threat by
the Catholic Bishops Conference of Nigeria, CBCN, to pull out the umbrella body
of Christians, the Christ-ian Association of Nigeria (CAN) may have come to
many Nigerians as a surprise, given the present state of political precipitate in
the country.
But to quite a number
of historically-minded people, that decision or threat to quit CAN, may not
have come as a total surprise, particularly when viewed in the context of the
historical antecedents of the Roman Catholic Church as a tool of colonialism in
Nigeria.
Basically reactionary
if not conservative, the institutional-ized anti-democratic structure of the
church barely permits enough breathing space for innovative or progressive
dogmatic ideas from their army of laity, except as found desirable to present
by the divine-righteous clergy.
This was a basic factor
in the apparent dearth of Roman Catholics in the arena of Nigerian nationalist
struggles.
Think of the big names
in Nigerian nationalism:- Herbert Macauley, Nnamdi Azikiwe, Obafemi Awolowo,
Samuel Ladoke Akintola, Michael Okpara, Akanu Ibiam and Dennis Osadebey, among
others.
There is no gainsaying
the fact that it was their protestant background and spirit which provided the
key to their dogged patriotic drive in achieving political freedom for Nigeria,
while their Roman Catholic contemporaries remained buried in the cassock of
unquestionable obedience to White supremacy.
One fact which
basically remains unquestionable is that Nigeria is a protestant nation, built
and liberated with a protestant spirit. The protest-ant missions led by the
Anglicans, Baptists, Method-ists and even Presbyterians had been active in
Nigeria for over 40 decades before the Roman Catholics sneaked into the shores
to build on an already laid protestant founda-tion.
Even in the South East
Region where the Roman Catholics now constitute a drag against Igbo spirit of
cultural identity and unity, they came as much later as in the West after the
arrival of the protestant missions.
The Roman Catholics in
the South East quite under-stand that, even though the Igbo constitute the
vanguard of the church, by population and extent of influence, they could only
claim contested prominence in Anambra and Imo states and, definitely not in
Abia, Enugu and Ebonyi states.
In the South South
Region, they still trail behind the protestant missions. In such states as Akwa
Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta and Rivers, the protestant missions
constitute an uncontested majority. In the Middle Belt Region today, the
protestant missions remain the cemen fondu of minority and Christ-ian
survivalist struggles against the ravaging Fulani imperialism.
One need not talk about
the South West, where Roman Catholicism remains significantly a stranger
mission. Remove the Igbo from the Roman Catholic Church in Lagos State today,
the economy of the church definitely collapses.
Commonsense only
requires that the Roman Catholic Church be grateful to the bearers of that
protestant spirit that has so far provided the Nigerian Christendom a sense of
belonging and extant spirit of assertion in a nation which even the Fulani who
now claim divine-right leadership contri-buted very little in building.
For the Catholic
Secretariat of Nigeria, CSN, to now talk of the leadership of the CAN
hobnobbing with the Presiden-cy, which is incidentally led by a Christian only,
smack of a hidden agenda, if not overtly a Latin conspiracy.
It is therefore quite
amazing with a striking putrid sense of a quisling intention for the CSN to
advance as their main reason of threatening to pull out of CAN, the alleged
close-ness of the CAN leadership to the Federal Government.
What an irony of
statement by a church whose devotees were “jihadly” slaughtered on a Christmas
day of 2011 in a manner that only reminds one of the infamous St. Bartholom-ew
massacre of the French Hugeonouts.
If their problem is all
about Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor being close to President Goodluck Jonathan and
nothing else, then nothing stops the Catholic bishops, either individually or
collectively as an independent organization from stating their position either
for or against the president, without in effect trying to put the entire
Christian community into a state of quarrelsome disrepute.
Indiscreet slaughter
If at this moment of
great trial of indiscreet slaughter of the Christians of this nation by the
Muslim Ummah, the CAN should not be close to Presi-dent Jonathan, is it when an
obvious Muslim funda-mentalist comes to power that the Christian leadership will
see reason to move closer to the leadership of the country, just as the Muslim
body had always done during the long tenures of their brethren? Are the
Catholic Bishops, by this audacious stance, imploring the leadership of CAN to
join the Jama’atul Nasril Islam in branding President Jonathan as a villain and
unbeliever?
Have the Muslim Ummah
of the North for whatever reason, beginning from the times of the Great Ahmadu
Bello to Umar Yar’Adua attempted to divorce their religion from politics? Why
must this call for division be coming from such a significant section of the
Christian community as the Catholic Church at this trying moment of Christendom
in Nigeria, if not for obvious mercenary objectives, which aims at dampening
the spirit of positive resistance among the Christian community against the
obvious danger?
It needs to be stated
here that, in whatever form it might be interpreted, and at whatever cost it
might appear to be, this is an unquestionable period for every Christian, both
North and South, as well as Muslims in the South to stand strongly behind
President Jonathan, for not only is his administration satanically besieged,
both the Christians of this nation and their Muslim brethren in the South, who
in effect remain unidentified as true Muslims, are jointly threatened with loss
of freedom and subsequent extermination.
The onerous challenge
pre-sently before every Christian is the commitment to the objective of
ensuring that the Nigerian nation neither breaks up in hands of President
Jonathan, nor falls into the hands of incorrigible funda-mentalist anti-Christ.
This is not a question of one being either a Roman Catholic or Protestant
Catholic, for so far as it has been observed, not even the fire-power could
discriminate against the Muslim royalty, much more between the Catholic and the
protestant.
Catholic leadership
Unless the Catholic
leadership will order its members to wear the Roman Catholic identity on their
faces. It is a question of survival of the Nigerian nation-state, which is
bound by the act of colonial providence.
The Muslim Ummah, just
like the Christendom is dotted with a variegation of opposing doctrinal blocs,
call it sects or denominations. Yet, when it comes to the matter of opposition
against Christian-ity, either in form of jihad or political struggles, this
obvious extant division mutually evaporates. It does not matter if one is a
Sunni or Shiite. As long as the conflict relates to Christianity, all Muslims
are one, and Christianity a common enemy.
The Fulani did not
bring Islam to Nigeria. The Kanuris were already Muslims a century after
the rise of Prophet Muhammad. Both the Hausa and the Yoruba had been Muslims
for more than 200 years before the arrival of the Fulani. Yet these people have
to live with an outward euphoria of a Fulani supre-macy if only for sake of
common eternal objective of confronting Christianity.
It is thus a matter of,
as the Igbo would say, “you first chase the fox away before turning back to
blame the fowl”. It is there-fore pertinent to call upon the Catholic Church to
emulate this Muslim spirit of common purpose.
For the Christians of
Nigeria, that fox today is the Boko Haram, and every Christian must rise up to
its challenge first before washing his dirty linings in public. And one thing
every Christian should not be oblivious of is that Boko Haram is there today
because today Jonathan is here. Does one now say that Jonathan should go so
that Boko Haram would go?
Is it therefore morally
justifiable that CAN and its leadership, in order to dance to the tune of Roman
Catholic lyric of non-association with the Federal Government, should stand
aloof while the Federal Government alone battles the Boko Haram? These
questions call for an equally moral answer from the Catholic leadership.
The CBCN, one hopes, is
not by this act of open revolt, only applying the weapon of pay-back strategy
in response to Pastor Oritsejafor’s victory over their candidate in the last
CAN election? Otherwise one does not see a functional reason for such a
decision.
One thing is obvious,
Pastor Oritsejafor is a man of raw protestant spirit whose tower-ing roles in
the defence of Christianity in his country have not only aimed at the jugular
roots of the enemies of Christianity but elevated to some appreciable extent
the office of the CAN Presidency to the status of the “Pope of Nigeria”.
Spirit of self
confidence
There is no doubt that
Pastor Oritsejafor’s on-going tenure has so far elevated the once politically
naïve Nigerian Christendom to a high-pitch spirit of self-confidence and the
added resolve to defend their divine-right inheritance.
His Trojan Protestant
spirit, unimpeded spiritual soldiery against the Babylonian forces of this
nation as well as his aristotlean mastery of the fundamental challenges of
leadership in such a polarized and besieged nation as Nigeria, remains
unequalled in the history of CAN leadership.
It needs not to be
emphasized that the Christians of this nation called Nigeria need a strong
leadership which readily understands the heart-beat of the, in the same manner
that the USA under-stands the eternal treachery of the al Qaeda.
Not the type of
leadership that does not understand the implication of dinning and wining with
the Caliphate while the blood of their flock paint the terrains of Maiduguri,
Kaduna, Jos and other unsung cities, towns and villages of Northern Nigeria.
The Christians of this
country in this moment of their history need a leader like Pastor Oritsejafor,
who fully understands that the native Christians of Borno State who
constitute about one-third the state’s population are under the strong threat
of exter-mination; a leader who weeps because the only female as well as the
only Christian member of the Bauchi State House of Assembly, has been forcefully
ejected from sitting for over one year, simply because she had the gut to
protest the institutionalized maltreatment of her Christian brethren in the
state.
The present security
challenge in the country has gone beyond the ecclesiastical application of
intellectualized dogma, least the Catholic leadership could claim the sole
custodian of the necess-ary solution.
It is also not a
question of subtle conviviality least the Catholic Church could again be called
upon to apply their age-long connu-biality with Islam to resolve the impasse.
It is a raw challenge which equally requires a raw confrontation with a raw
leadership like Pastor Oritsejafor.
It is un-equivocally a
raw challenge which solution absolutely hinges on the eternal injunct-ion of
Jesus Christ, that the kingdom of God suffereth violence and by violence shall
the brethren possess it.
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